Girls Playing Games 1 Running head: GIRLS PLAYING GAMES Girls Playing Games: The Effect of Gender Stereotypes on Video Game Playing Motivation and Performance

Research on gender and video game playing has long been interested in the question of why females play fewer video games and play video games less frequently than males do. The present study examines the immediate impacts of a negative gender stereotype on females' motivation for and performance in playing a racing video game. Exposure to a negative gender stereotype about video game playing was expected to decrease competence beliefs and motivation to play the game, as well as worsened performance. Results were in the hypothesized directions, although no statistically significant differences were found. Implications for theories of video game playing and achievement motivation are discussed. Girls Playing Games 3 Girls Playing Games: The Effect of Gender Stereotypes on Video Game Playing Motivation and Performance Published empirical research on sex differences in video game playing over the last two decades consistently has found that males play video games more hours per week compared to females, more frequently than females do, and they are more likely to self-identify as video gamers (Buchman & Funk, 1996; Colley & Comber, 2003; Gentile, Lynch, Linder, & Walsh, 2004; Kubey & Larson, 1990; Ogletree & Drake, 2007; Phillips, Rolls, Rouse, & Griffiths, 1995; Roberts & Foehr, 2004; Roe & Muijs, 1998; Van Schie & Wiegman, 1997). These findings have been consistent across different countries and within different age groups. Numerous studies have established the fact that playing video games is considered masculine and is more popular among males than among females (Funk & Buchman, 1996a, 1996b; Hartmann & Klimmt, 2005, 2006; Newman, 2004), and the social construction of video game playing as a primarily male activity seems to persist (Williams, 2006). Gender roles, stereotypes, and the social construction of gender are likely to influence females’ motivation to play video games. This representation of video game playing often is reinforced by video game content and game marketing aimed at adolescent and young adult males (Beasley & Standley, 2002; Dietz, 1998; Ivory, 2006). The belief that video game playing is a male activity may have implications for sex differences in video-game related competence beliefs and motivation to play. The present study focuses on a previously unexamined potential proximal cause for females’ lower interest in video game play—negative stereotypes about female players. The gender-typed nature of gaming is not a stereotype per se, although it may contribute to a stereotype that females are poorly skilled at playing video games, which can influence the Girls Playing Games 4 individual’s ability beliefs and the subjective value of video game playing. Although scholars have suggested that gender role and gender role stereotypes about video game playing are likely to affect females’ game playing (Brown, Hall, Holtzer, Brown, & Brown, 1997; Cassell & Jenkins, 1998), no known published research to date has examined how such stereotypes can affect motivation at the point of exposure. In comparison, a relatively abundant literature has focused on the effect of stereotype exposure on behavior and performance (Beilock, Jellison, Rydell, McConnell, & Carr, 2006; Inzlicht & Ben-Zeev, 2003; Marx & Stapel, 2006; J. L. Smith, 2004; Steele, 1997; Wheeler & Petty, 2001 and others). This study examines whether a gender stereotype about video game playing affects the intrinsic motivation to play a commercial video game. Does exposure to a negative stereotype about women’s skills at video game playing influence a female’s motivation for playing a video game? How does stereotype exposure influence expectancies about video game playing? In terms of effects on behavior, does exposure to a negative stereotype about female video game playing harm actual performance in the game? Theory Attempts to explain females’ lack of motivation to play games, relative to males, fall into three major categories of argument. The first suggests that something about the games themselves does not appeal to females, for reasons of nature, nurture, or some combination thereof. Video games’ non-appeal may stem from the content—namely, that it includes generous amounts of violence and hypersexuality, or an insufficient supply of female main characters (Beasley & Standley, 2002; Dietz, 1998; Downs & Smith, 2005; Hartmann & Klimmt, 2006). Certain games’ style—three-dimensional rotation, coloration, and lack of textures—may not Girls Playing Games 5 appeal to females and their particular set of cognitive skills (Lucas & Sherry, 2004; Subrahmanyam & Greenfield, 1994). Or perhaps it is games’ structure, i.e., their competitive nature does not appeal to females, who are less competitively-oriented (Hartmann & Klimmt, 2006). A second explanation considers the environmental factors that may contribute to females not playing games. For example, video game equipment may not be available for use in girl-only households, video game systems may not be owned by their friends, or females may be less likely to find video game playing an effective way to socialize with their friends (Lucas & Sherry, 2004). A third type of argument points to social factors’ contribution to females not playing games: namely, that video game playing is a male-typed domain (Cassell & Jenkins, 1998; Funk & Buchman, 1996a). Such arguments may point to the early history of computer gaming as the reason why games are associated with male computing culture (Kiesler, Sproull, & Eccles, 1985), and includes the claim that the culture of technology is gendered (Williams, 2006), or that the leisure spaces associated with gaming are male-typed overall (Bryce & Rutter, 2003; Gailey, 1993). Whereas the claims made regarding the first two arguments have been tested empirically, the influence of gender socialization, particularly gender roles and stereotypes on females’ video game playing motivation, has received little observational attention. Flow and Self Determination Theory Two competence-based theories that have been useful for explaining the motivation to play games and pursue media entertainment more generally are Flow Theory (Czikszentmihalyi, 1990) and Self-Determination Theory (SDT) (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Although Czikszentmihalyi’s (1990) concept of flow may be applied to traditional media use (Kubey & Czikszentmihalyi, 1990; Sherry, 2004), the theory seems particularly suited to explain the enjoyment of video game play Girls Playing Games 6 and has been applied as such (Choi & Kim, 2004; Kubey & Czikszentmihalyi, 1990; Sherry, 2004; Sweetster & Wyeth, 2005). Recently, Self-Determination Theory has also been applied to understand why users of media entertainment are motivated to do so (Vorderer, Steen, & Chan, 2006), and empirically tested regarding the enjoyment of video games (Ryan, Rigby, & Przybylski, 2006). These theories and their application to video game play are outlined below. Ryan and Deci’s (2000) Self-Determination Theory (SDT) posits that intrinsically motivating activities are so because they fulfill needs for competence, autonomy, and social integration. The types of activities that are intrinsically motivating, and thus fall within the scope of the theory, are those which feature novelty, challenge, or aesthetic value. The authors suggest that satisfaction of these needs through participation in intrinsically motivating activities relates not only to an immediate experience that is enjoyable, but healthy development and functioning, i.e., long term well-being (Ryan & Deci, 2000). Mini-theories within SDT focus on antecedents and outcomes of fulfillment of these needs, for example, Cognitive Evaluation Theory (CET), which examines how social environment and context promote or prevent a sense of autonomy or competence, and thus intrinsic motivation. Ryan et al. (2006) tested the applicability of SDT and CET to video game playing with four studies looking at properties of video game environments and their associations with SDT needs and short term well-being outcomes. The authors assert that the satisfaction of immediate psychological needs (autonomy, competence, and where relevant, relatedness) provide the proximal psychological determinants of game play. The authors also suggest that “perceived competence is among the most important satisfactions provided by games, as they represent arenas in which a person can feel accomplishment and control” (p. 4). Girls Playing Games 7 Taken together, this body of research suggests that the development of skill and perceived competence promote positive media use experiences and motivation. Applied to video games, the research implies that a high level of perceived competence should be associated with a high level of enjoyment. This relationship suggests the first hypothesis: H1: Greater perceived game playing competence after play will be associated with greater video game playing enjoyment. In addition, theories of planned behavior and expectancy-value theories in general suggest that expected competence motivates behavior and action (Elliot & Dweck, 2005). The following hypothesis follows from such theories and research: H2: Greater expected competence before playing a video game will be associated with greater motivation to play the video game. Stereotypes and their effects on performance What are stereotypes? The term, initially used to describe equipment used for print reproduction, was adapted for use in a social sense by the U.S. journalist Walter Lippman, who described stereotypes as “pictures in our heads” that are often resistant to change (Lippman, 1922, cf. Kunda, 1999). Allport (1979) described stereotypes as overgeneralized and oversimplified beliefs used to characterize a group of people. In recent psychological literatures of social cognition, stereotypes are usually viewed as cognitive structures that contain our knowledge, beliefs, and expectations about a social group (Kunda, 1999). These mental representations may be positive or negative, and comprise both abstract knowledge about a group and exemplars of group members. Thus broad attributes (e.g., women are irrational) and exemplars (my female Girls Playing Games 8 colleague, or a character in my favorite movie) influence stereotypic conceptions (Hamilton & Sherman, 1994). Note that stereotypes are often socially constructed within a particular time and culture, often through media characterizations of the stereotyped groups. For this reason, specific stereotypes about women that exist in one culture may not be present in another. The stereotype that Asians are good at math, for example, is prevalent in the U.S. but not in Canada (Shih, Pittinsky, & Ambady, 1999). Correspondingly, a culturally-specific stereotype will only directly affect individuals to the extent that he or she has developed awareness of the stereotype by growing up or living in that culture. Gender stereotypes in video games Video game content representations of male versus female characters in games may also influence gender stereotypes and females’ willingness to play video games. Multiple content analysis studies examining representation of gender in video games have found that females are underrepresented and clothing-disadvantaged (Beasley & Standley, 2002; Dietz, 1998). Content analysis of online video game reviews reveals similar patterns (Ivory, 2006). A study by Downs and Smith (2005) examining gender portrayals in top selling video games found continued underrepresentation of female, compared to male, characters in the most popular console games. They also found that female video game characters were more likely to have unrealistic body images, be partially nude or wear sexually revealing clothing, and inappropriately attired (for the task at hand). Applying social cognitive theory, the authors suggested one implication of the findings was that video games may reinforce unrealistic body proportions as ideal and adversely impact females’ body images. However, relevant to our discussion here is the possibility that lack of Girls Playing Games 9 female representation in most video games would indirectly suggest that playing games is more of a male-appropriate domain. Highly sexualized and inappropriately clothed female characters can also lead to females’ disinterest in playing video games or certain games by reinforcing the impression that the video game, and perhaps game playing in general, is an activity for males. Indeed, in a study by Hartmann and Klimmt (2006), the presence of a sexualized female gender role portrayal on a video game cover decreased female respondents’ preference for the game, relative to the non-sexualized portrayal. Effect of gender stereotypes on perceived competence Gender-typing of domains may influence an individual’s beliefs about abilities in competence-related (traditionally, achievement) contexts. Specifically, experimental studies manipulating various situational factors surrounding such contexts have found the most important factors to be (1) the specific domain of evaluation (2) whether or not clear performance feedback is given, and (3) the extent to which performance-related social comparison is anticipated (Lenney, 1977). The research cited with regard to domain specificity provides evidence that gender-typing of a specific activity influences females’ estimates of their abilities prior to their engaging in the task. As might be expected, when experimenters manipulated an activity to be perceived as maletyped or female-typed, females’ performance expectancies were lower or higher, respectively. Corbin and Nix (1979) also demonstrated that the self-confidence of females is equal to males for a task that is perceived as appropriate for females but not for tasks perceived to be a male activity. Insofar as sex differences in self-confidence and efficacy beliefs exist overall and with regard to video game playing, differences in attributions and self-confidence are likely to affect motivation via expectancies for success. Therefore Hypothesis 3 states: Girls Playing Games 10 H3: Female players exposed to a negative stereotype about females’ video game playing abilities will have lower expected competence and lower intrinsic motivation for playing the video game. Effects of stereotype activation From a psychological perspective, there are a number of reasons why individuals in a stereotyped group may conform to existing stereotypes. Research on stereotype activation examines how stereotype salience can influence attitudes and behavior of perceivers and actors (i.e., of those considering a person of the stereotyped group or of the stereotyped individuals themselves). Activation of either positive and negative stereotypes can result in positive or negative behavioral and performance effects for the individual, regardless of whether or not he or she is a member of the stereotyped group (for a review, see Wheeler & Petty, 2001). Stereotype threat describes a specific phenomenon where a negative self-stereotype activation leads to performance detriments.